By John Peterson
The 1st e-book to discover the EU's list as a world actor because the production of the typical overseas and defense coverage in 1993 in the context of the Treaty of Amsterdam and up to date judgements in relation to NATO and ecu expansion. The chapters concentration on:* the interface among ecu international and alternate rules* the EU's courting with ecu defence enterprises* its behaviour in the OSCE and UN* the institutional outcomes of the CFSP* case reviews of ecu guidelines in the direction of primary and japanese Europe and the Maghreb countries.The editors draw the findings jointly to evaluate even if the ecu has been profitable as an international actor and think about the query: can the european develop into a extra credible, trustworthy and unitary international actor?
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Extra resources for A Common Foreign Policy for Europe?: Competing Visions of the CFSP (European Public Policy Series)
Whether at the level of discussions with other regional groupings, such as ASEAN or the Central American states in the San José process, or at that of individual third countries like Japan or India, the CFSP became seriously overloaded with regular meetings and requests for information. European Foreign Ministers and Political Directors had particularly full diaries, and were in danger of fulfilling largely representational functions. With this came the problem of status; interlocutors are easily 34 CHRISTOPHER HILL slighted if dealt with at a less high level than they had anticipated.
In terms of holding to decisions once made, we may point to the Joint Action on Extra-territoriality formulated in November 1996 (aimed at countering the Helms-Burton legislation which sought to punish European companies trading with Cuba). No sooner was the ink dry on the Action than a deal had been done to ensure that the EU backed off and the issue did not appear at the Dublin Summit. It is, of course, possible that the Joint Action was a signal which had a salutary effect. The Treaty of European Union might have been designed to improve European foreign policy-making at the procedural level, but even here it has left many loose ends.
Indeed, the risk of over-commitment and underfulfilment seems almost as high as five years ago. It is true that the EU has not rushed into Algeria or the Great Lakes—but it would probably always have considered them bridges too far. It is, however, now even more engaged in Latin America, in Asia and in Africa, and it also faces exponentially growing demands in its own continent, from the east. Is the EU, then, moving towards fulfilling more of the six ‘conceivable future functions’ which I identified in 1992?